The Amazingh flag and the Free Libyan flag.
Amazingh Martyrs & the Arab Mentality
(CNN) -- The overthrow of Moammar Gadhafi has had a
messy and often confused aftermath, as rival groups jostle for a stake in the
new Libya after
four decades of dictatorship.
But while the realities of Libya 's
new order remain murky, for the country's Berber minority, the task ahead is
clear. The removal of the old regime has cleared the way for a renaissance of
their ancient language and culture that were brutally suppressed under
Gadhafi's hardline rule.
Known in their native tongue as Amazigh, or "free
man," the Berbers are the indigenous inhabitants of North
Africa , whose culture predominated in the region prior to the 7th
century Arab invasion.
But Gadhafi's ideology stressed the unity of all Libyans under
an Arab identity, and any efforts at Amazigh cultural expression during his
rule were effectively forbidden.
Those among the country's Berber minority -- there is no
reliable census data, but most estimates place it at about 10% of the
population -- who attempted to promote their rights or cultural heritage would
find themselves persecuted, sometimes even killed.
Berbers were unable to publicly speak or publish books in
their language, Tamazight, or display symbols such as the Amazigh flag.
There was a law which banned any names that were not Arabic
or Islamic. They forced you to change your child's name
Mazigh Buzakhar, Libyan Berber activist
"You couldn't teach it in schools, you didn't have
university departments for Amazigh research, or have Amazigh TV stations or
radio," said Mazigh Buzakhar, a Tripoli-based Berber activist.
"Even children's names -- there was a law which banned
any names that were not Arabic or Islamic. They (the Gadhafi regime) forced you
to change your child's name."
Buzakhar has personally felt the brunt of the regime's
hostility to Berber culture. In December 2010, prior to the revolution, he and
his twin brother were arrested in their Tripoli
home, on suspicion of "working and collaborating with foreign
intelligence."
Their real crime, according to Buzakhar and Amnesty International, was advocating for Berber cultural
rights, evidence of which was found by police in the form of banned Amazigh
texts, smuggled from abroad, in their home.
The pair was held for months in a cell designated for
prisoners facing life sentences or execution, where Buzakhar said his brother
was blindfolded and kicked by guards, when in February the revolution began. A
riot erupted at the prison and, along with other prisoners, the brothers
escaped. "We were very lucky," said Buzakhar.
Having escaped from prison, Buzakhar headed for the Nafusa
Mountains , a traditional Amazigh
stronghold where the Berber population would become heavily engaged in fighting with Gadhafi's forces, gaining
the upper hand more swiftly than their counterparts in the east of the country.
Buzakhar started a media communications center, and set
about producing the first ever journal published in Tamazight.
Initially a crudely produced newsletter, printed on sheets
of A4, "Tilelli" ("Freedom" in Tamazight) became a more
professional publication when Buzakhar relocated to the capital following the
fall of Tripoli .
Written in Tamazight, Arabic and English, it has a print run
of 3,000, and a focus on promoting Amazigh culture and language, by reprinting
ancient works of poetry, as well as more modern works by writers such as Said
Sifaw al-Mahrouk.
"Tilelli" is just one element of the flowering of
Amazigh culture to have taken place in the wake of Gadhafi's downfall.
Tamazight is being taught by cultural associations, can be heard on radio
stations, and read on signs written in the Tifinagh alphabet at shops and other
public places.
The Berber flag -- comprised of blue, green and yellow
horizontal stripes, superimposed with a red Tifinagh character symbolizing a
"free man" -- is displayed proudly, and Amazigh music is performed at
festivals around the country.
"After 40 years of having a complete lack of this kind
of expression, there's a real enthusiasm for it," said Diana Eltahawy,
Amnesty International's North Africa researcher.
They're filling up the space they were denied for several
decades
Diana Eltahawy, Amnesty International researcher
"What we see is the Amazigh gathering together and
celebrating their culture, having various festivals, making links between
towns. They're filling up the space they were denied for several decades."
But despite their new-found freedom of cultural expression,
some Berber activists remain anxious about their community's position in the
new Libya .
When an interim government was announced in November without
a single Amazigh minister, Berbers reacted with disappointment. Fearing their
community was being marginalized, a group calling itself the Libyan Amazigh
Congress announced it was suspending all relations with the National
Transitional Council (NTC).
Many Berbers were frustrated by the sense that their strong
military contributions in overthrowing Gadhafi -- Juan Cole, a history
professor at the University of Michigan ,
labeled them "among the central Libyan heroes of the revolution" --
had gone unrewarded, said Buzakhar.
"They used us to progress and make a progress in
advance to get Libya
liberated," Buzakhar said.
"But once things were liberated, the message has been:
'Thank you so much, we used you and that's it.' To us, it's like a betrayal by
the NTC."
In this climate, some Berbers fear their cultural rights may
not receive the constitutional protections they seek.
But while upholding Arabic as the official language, the
declaration stated that Libya 's
other languages "shall be deemed national ones" -- falling short of
the level of recognition sought by Berber activists.
Buzakhar said Tamazight's "deep-rooted" history as
a native language -- which significantly predated Arabic's arrival in North
Africa -- meant that regarding it as anything less than an
official language was illogical.
Berbers wanted Libya 's
new leaders to accord Tamazight a similar status to that which it held in Morocco ,
where it is estimated more than half of the country's 32 million people speak
Berber dialects. In 2011, Tamazight became an official language in Morocco ,
taught alongside Arabic in schools.
But it remains to be seen what provisions would be contained
in the new constitution, to be drafted by a committee chosen by the newly
elected congress, said Eltahawy.
Any broader recognition of Libyan Amazigh cultural rights
would require overcoming greater barriers than the legacy of Gadhafi's
suppression and scapegoating, said Buzakhar.
"Our problem is not only the 42 years of the former
regime. Our problem is 1,400 years of Arab or Islamist mentality that has been
brought to North Africa itself. It's a mentality problem,
not only with the common people but in the heads of the politicians."
He said although there were generally good relations between
Libyan Arabs and Berbers, their rejection of pan-Arabist ideology and
insistence on a distinct Amazigh identity made them a continued target for
criticism. Some political leaders were still inclined to emulate Gaddafi by
casting suspicion on the Berber community for personal gain.
But Buzakhar said although Libya 's
Amazigh renaissance did not enjoy the state support exhibited in Morocco
and Algeria , he
was optimistic the Berber culture would continue to flourish.
"What's different from Algeria
and Morocco is
that the consciousness of the Amazigh people is stronger in Libya ,
because we've paid the price," he said. "We have had martyrs who gave
their lives to preserve their language, and ensure they are part of the
political environment of the new Libya
for generations to come."
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